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The photo contains a group of aound 100 young Malaysian students sitting on the streets and eateries to listen to a speaker during a workshop about political literacy
Source: Twitter (@kuasasiswa/@hamirulakbar)

Fahmi Reza's Kelas Demokrasi or Kelas Disrupsi: The Struggle for Political Literacy

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Emilia Lye

Emilia's weekly routine sums up her character in which she: (1) listens to either BFM/BBC every morning (2) binge reality tv (3) consumes chocolate religiously.

Political graphic designer and activist, Fahmi Reza, conducted a series of political literacy workshops titled ‘Kelas Demokrasi’ across Malaysian public and private universities. The workshop objectives were simple: to educate youths, especially first-time GE15 voters, on the nation’s democratic system of governance and electoral process.

Democracy Disrupted
Fahmi donned his trademark beret and presented with just a whiteboard plastered with stickers as visual tools to break down concepts such as separation of powers, legislative processes, etc. The workshops were strictly non-partisan, absent of affiliation or endorsement to any political party, and instead, solely focused on political literacy: specifically theories and concepts.

Despite the workshop’s purest intentions, the activist was prohibited from entering the universities’ premises or halted midway through presentations at seven public universities. University management cited “failure to procure authorisation” as justification. Auxiliary police or security guards were sent to disperse crowds of students but were met with resistance — chants of “Hidup Mahasiswa! Hidup Demokrasi!” flooded the rooms in response. Consequently, workshop venues were relocated and conducted at eateries or on the streets.

Differing Responses
Not all institutions echoed the same hostility; namely Taylor’s University and International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Workshops held at the preceding institutions ran successfully.

Nevertheless, the ratio of successful to disrupted workshops is discouraging in light of the amendments to the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (AUKU) and the Private Higher Educational Institutions Act 1996 in 2018. The amendments received multi-partisan support in parliament and lifted the prohibition for students to partake in political activities on campus. However, the spirit of these amendments does not reflect the reality of Kelas Demokrasi.

Dire Need for Political Literacy
Revamping Curriculum
Malaysia is ranked as one of the lowest in Asia for youth political and civic participation. But surely, if public universities provided students five days off to return home for polling day, better efforts could also be diverted to political literacy.

I recall memories in secondary school where Sejarah lessons gave a rudimentary overview of the nation’s political system; this knowledge was soon tucked away during my college year and retrieved once again when I chose to read law in university. Guilty of political apathy then, there was no urgency to learn more than what was necessary predating the UNDI18 bill since I could not vote; the stigma surrounding political discourse in school also contributed to this apathy predating the AUKU amendments. 

However, times are visibly different now — lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 necessitates a greater need for political literacy. Upon graduating from secondary school, youths are expected to understand the electoral process and be equipped to make well-informed decisions at the polls. The antique facets of Malaysia’s secondary education covering democratic processes must adapt and facilitate these changes.

Clearer Demarcation between ‘Political’ and ‘Partisan’ for Educators
In 2022, Ismail Sabri’s government’s decision to allow civil service teachers to partake in politics was met with mixed responses. On the one hand, this allowed for greater political literacy; on the other, it calls for concern about teachers’ influence in political party recruitments and bias in pedagogy. Clear guidelines are pending release on the matter. 

However, it is imperative to account in the guidelines that ‘political’ and ‘partisan’ terminology are distinct. Although teachers may adopt partisan stances in affiliation to a political party in their personal lives, partisan support should not be transposed to their professional lives in the classroom — especially when they are teaching political curriculum.

University authorities perceived to be aligned with political parties must also set aside their differences in encouraging impartial political literacy on campuses. Fahmi’s case, in particular, illustrates the balance struck in practicing non-partisanship when delivering political literacy. Although the activist is not a formal educator by profession and doesn’t purport to be either, his pedagogy in Kelas Demokrasi can be repurposed. 

Teaching political literacy concerns the education of nuance theories and concepts underpinning democracy, not the practice of partisan politics by educators. The fallacy of equating political literacy to party propaganda must be countered; to prevent the apprehension of university authorities in embracing the actuality of political literacy, in which teaching should be impartial but not apolitical.

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“Our universities must aspire to be the bastions of intellectual activity, to be agents of growth and development, for the confident and ethical nurturing of the human spirit, via pedagogy, intellectual debate and public engagement.”– Dr. Sharifah Munirah Alatas. 

As GE15 looms closer, Malaysian youths are increasingly curious and hungry for political literacy; whether it is taking democracy to the streets or stalls engulfed with the aroma of tom yum at Kelas Demokrasi, it’s evident that where democracy leads, youths will follow. 


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