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Why ASEAN Still Matters, And Why Malaysia Must Lead Its Reform by Adham Adnan

As motorcades swept through the streets of Kuala Lumpur during the 2025 ASEAN Summit, many Malaysians voiced familiar frustrations of blocked roads, long speeches, and little tangible outcome. For critics, ASEAN remains a spectacle: high on symbolism, low on substance. But such cynicism overlooks a deeper reality. For Malaysia, a nation perched at the crossroads of global trade routes and geopolitical tensions, ASEAN is not a diplomatic convenience. It is a strategic necessity.

This year, under Malaysia’s chairmanship, ASEAN stands at a crossroads. Confronted by the enduring crisis in Myanmar, escalating global trade fragmentation, and the challenge of digital and green transitions, the regional bloc must prove it is more than just a “talk shop”. What’s at stake is not just ASEAN’s relevance, but Malaysia’s credibility as a regional leader and our collective ability to navigate a fractured global order.

For many young Malaysians abroad, it may be tempting to compare with varying models of integration and governance, such as the EU or BRICS. Despite its flaws, ASEAN remains our best platform for collective influence, shared prosperity, and regional stability. And this year, Malaysia has the opportunity and responsibility to shape what comes next.

ASEAN: A Framework Built for Peace, Not Power

To understand ASEAN’s limits and potential, we must revisit the reasons for its existence.

Formed in 1967 by five Southeast Asian nations: Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, and the Philippines, ASEAN was not born out of economic ambition like the European Union (EU). It emerged as a regional peace pact during the Cold War, a buffer against superpower rivalry and regional instability. Over time, it expanded to 10 members, with Timor-Leste now on track to become the 11th.

Unlike the EU, ASEAN was never designed to override national sovereignty. It operates on principles of non-interference, consensus, and mutual respect, a formula that has allowed it to endure, but also, one that could be argued hampers decisive action in times of crisis. Today, ASEAN faces growing pressure to evolve from a passive consensus club into a proactive bloc that can respond to the economic, political, and environmental disruptions of the 21st century.

The Myanmar Deadlock and ASEAN’s Political Test

Malaysia has repeatedly emphasised ASEAN centrality, the idea that Southeast Asia should remain a cohesive, neutral bloc amid intensifying U.S.-China rivalry. But lofty rhetoric is losing credibility. Nowhere is this clearer than in ASEAN’s inaction on Myanmar. More than four years since the military coup, the junta remains in power, violence persists, and the Five-Point Consensus lies in shambles. As Dr. Tricia Yeoh of the University of Nottingham Malaysia bluntly put it, “If they can’t even negotiate over Myanmar or a maritime code of conduct with China, people will question ASEAN’s purpose.”

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim recently claimed that “both parties are now in consultation, although at a lower level”, but this hardly qualifies as progress. The inability to take unified or enforceable action exposes the limits of ASEAN’s consensus model. While these norms served a postcolonial region well in the past, they are increasingly at odds with modern expectations of responsiveness and accountability.

Malaysia’s role here is critical. As chair, it must not only facilitate dialogue but push for diplomatic creativity, perhaps through minilateral engagement, humanitarian corridors, or enhanced support for ASEAN’s Special Envoy. If ASEAN is to retain any political credibility, it must show that its norms can adapt to crisis, not just preserve inertia. Ultimately, this depends on how each ASEAN member chooses to engage on the issue.

A New Member, a New Dilemma

Meanwhile, the bloc faces another test of cohesion: the inclusion of Timor-Leste. Malaysia supports its accession by October 2025, positioning it as a symbol of inclusivity. But Timor-Leste has only fulfilled 18 of the 84 legal instruments required for full membership, while major legal instruments on the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) pillar still need acceleration.

Analysts have warned that premature expansion may dilute ASEAN’s effectiveness. Membership should not only be symbolic but also functional. Malaysia must help Timor-Leste build institutional readiness — not only for optics but to ensure that new entrants can contribute meaningfully to ASEAN’s long-term goals.

Can ASEAN Deliver Economic Results? Not Just Declarations?

Malaysia’s chairmanship has also prioritised economic cooperation amid global volatility. Rising U.S.-China trade tensions and new tariffs on Southeast Asian goods have exposed the fragility of regional supply chains. In response, Malaysia has championed the Kuala Lumpur Declaration (ASEAN Vision 2045) and the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA), due to be finalised by year’s end. The agreement aims to harmonise digital policies, enable cross-border data flows, and position ASEAN as a global digital hub. This is a bold move. ASEAN’s digital economy is projected to hit $1 trillion by 2030, and Malaysia wants to lead that charge. But without addressing digital infrastructure gaps, regulatory inconsistencies, and skills mismatches across member states, DEFA risks becoming another ambitious document with uneven follow-through. 

Beyond tech, Malaysia has pushed for supply chain resilience in sectors like semiconductors and electric vehicles. It also sees potential in trilateral economic discussions involving ASEAN, China, and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), a grouping that now represents a combined GDP of nearly $25 trillion and a population of 2.1 billion. Premier Li Qiang called the collaboration “a response to the call of the times.” Yet again, the vision is promising — but will require real frameworks, not just diplomatic flair. The challenge for Malaysia is clear: to bridge the gap between declarations and delivery. To make ASEAN a platform not just for economic ambition, but for tangible, measurable outcomes.

ASEAN Is Not the EU

Critics of ASEAN often compare it unfavorably to the European Union. Why, people like Shahril Hamdan in Keluar Sekejap ask, can’t ASEAN be more assertive, more integrated, more efficient? But this critique misses the point. Its Charter affirms sovereignty and consensus as foundational norms. It has no supranational parliament, no binding court, and no central bank. Expecting EU-style leadership from ASEAN is like expecting a bicycle to fly, it was not built for that. Even calls for “flexible engagement” proposed by Thailand in the 1990s to allow for targeted criticism of member states were shot down by countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore. Then-late Foreign Minister Abdullah Badawi warned that breaching non-interference could unravel ASEAN’s fragile unity. These cautionary instincts remain deeply embedded in the bloc’s political DNA.

Still, this does not mean ASEAN cannot evolve. The question is not whether to abandon these norms, but how to modernise them to ensure ASEAN can act when its core values are under assault.

A Pragmatic Engine for Malaysia’s Future

Beyond geopolitics and summits, ASEAN remains vital to Malaysia’s economic future. In 2024, Malaysia’s trade with ASEAN reached $171.28 billion, with over two-thirds of its total trade occurring with countries it shares free trade agreements with. These aren’t just statistics, they are the foundation of jobs, investment, and national development.

DEFA, in particular, signals a move from traditional trade to digital integration, enabling startups to scale regionally, empowering micro-enterprises, and harmonising data governance. For Malaysia, this is not an abstract policy exercise. It is an economic imperative.

Yet, domestic scepticism remains. Some Malaysians question the cost of hosting summits or see ASEAN as irrelevant to daily life. But abandoning regionalism now, when economic fragmentation is rising and multilateralism is in retreat, would be shortsighted. Malaysia’s development has long benefited from global openness. ASEAN must now be the platform through which that openness is renewed for a digital, sustainable era.

Reform, Not Retreat

Yes, ASEAN is slow. Yes, it is frustrating. But to dismiss it entirely is to misunderstand both its purpose and its potential. The bloc’s architecture, built on equality rather than enforcement, is a feature, not a flaw. It has preserved peace in one of the most diverse and divided regions in the world. But peace alone is no longer enough.

What ASEAN urgently needs now is political will, not to morph into the EU, but to evolve into a more effective and responsive version of itself. Malaysia’s chairmanship theme, “ASEAN Matters: Inclusivity and Sustainability,” must move beyond rhetoric and drive concrete reforms, from enforcing accountability in political crises like Myanmar to accelerating cooperation on digital innovation and climate change. 

At the same time, Malaysia faces a crucial test internally. In a nation as diverse as ours, clinging to narrow notions of ethnic exceptionalism risks undermining the very unity and openness needed to thrive both domestically and regionally. True leadership requires embracing Malaysia’s multicultural reality, just as ASEAN embraces diversity as its strength. Clinging to such narrow nationalism blinds us to the benefits of regional solidarity and diversity that ASEAN represents. If Malaysia cannot embrace inclusivity at home, how can it hope to lead a diverse region forward?

For Malaysians, at home and abroad, the debate is no longer about whether ASEAN matters; it does. The real challenge is confronting the structural and political blockages that prevent ASEAN from advancing. Because in a world defined by complexity and change, clinging to old divisions is the surest path to irrelevance, it is Malaysia’s moment to lead a united, forward-looking ASEAN.

References

ASEAN (2025) Kuala Lumpur Declaration on ASEAN 2045: Our Shared Future. Available at: https://asean.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/04.-Kuala-Lumpur-Declaration-on-ASEAN-2045-Our-Shared-Future_adopted.pdf.

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (1997) ‘The ASEAN Secretariat: Basic Mandate, Functions and Composition’. Available at: https://asean.org/the-asean-secretariat-basic-mandate-functions-and-composition/.

Azhar, D. (2025) ‘ASEAN leaders agree tariff deals with US should not harm fellow members’, Reuters, 27 May. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/china/asean-leaders-agree-tariff-deals-with-us-should-not-harm-members-2025-05-27/.

Azhar, D. and Tang, A. (2025) ‘ASEAN unveils strategic plan to integrate its economies’, Reuters, 27 May. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/asean-unveils-strategic-plan-integrate-its-economies-2025-05-27/.

Chew, A. (2025) ‘Gulf states, China take centre stage at summit of Southeast Asian nations’, Al Jazeera, 28 May. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/5/28/gulf-states-china-take-centre-stage-at-summit-of-southeast-asian-nations.

Flores, J.M. and Abad, J. (1997) ‘The Founding of ASEAN’, The Founding of ASEAN, 8 August. Available at: https://asean.org/the-founding-of-asean/.

Hassandarvish, M. (2025) ‘Kuala Lumpur Declaration explained: What does Asean’s 20-year “2045 Vision” promise?’, Malay Mail, 27 May. Available at: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2025/05/27/kuala-lumpur-declaration-explained-what-does-aseans-20-year-2045-vision-promise/178289.

Hong, L. et al. (2025) ‘What Is ASEAN?’, Council on Foreign Relations, 27 May.

Macao News (2025) ‘Timor-Leste inches closer to full ASEAN membership’, 27 May. Available at: https://macaonews.org/news/lusofonia/asean-timor-leste-membership/#related.

Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (MATRADE) (no date) ‘Trade Performance for Year 2024 and December 2024’. Available at: https://www.matrade.gov.my/en/about-matrade/media/press-releases/6264-trade-performance-for-year-2024-and-december-2024.

RAMCHARAN, R. (2000) ‘ASEAN and Non-interference: A Principle Maintained’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 22(1), pp. 60–88.The Jakarta Post (2025) ‘ASEAN, Gulf and China three-way talks “response to call of times”’, 27 May. Available at: https://www.thejakartapost.com/world/2025/05/27/asean-gulf-and-china-three-way-talks-response-to-call-of-times.html.

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